A History of the FTAA: From Hegemony to Fragmentation in the by Marcel Nelson

By Marcel Nelson

Offering a serious account of the cave in of the FTAA negotiations and changes to strength kin within the Americas, this publication argues that the cave in used to be rooted in a "crisis of authority" caused by means of turning out to be competition within the Americas to US management and the neo-liberal reforms that were promoted by way of Washington because the Nineteen Eighties.

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Extra resources for A History of the FTAA: From Hegemony to Fragmentation in the Americas

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It will provide a framework from which to begin to conceptualize how the organic crisis in the structure of capitalism in the Americas and the ensuing crisis of authority in the superstructures of the Americas led to growing difficulty in negotiating the agreement. Overall, it will help explain how a crisis of authority, as the unraveling of a leading state’s hegemonic project, can open up global governance structures to challenges from subordinate states from within, which can lead to their collapse or rearticulation.

28 This means that the hegemony is never static and must continually be renewed to adjust to the fluidity of social relations. 30 Further, the rootedness of hegemony in materiality is responsible, in part, for this fluidity by making it subject to shifts and crises located in a social formation’s structure, 38 A History of the FTAA as well as imposing limits on its ability to extend and deepen its universality. ”31 Hence one cannot understand a conjuncture within the superstructure without reference to a historical bloc’s economic structure.

As with political society at the level of the national social formation, Cox argues that international institutions are conceptualized as being abstracted or separate from particular national states and the civil societies in which they are rooted. 17 In fact, global governance structures often try to portray themselves as instances of universality, striving to present themselves either as neutral arbiters of interstate conflict—for example, the WTO dispute settlement mechanism—or as neutral purveyors of what organizations such as the IMF would claim to be “international public goods” to legitimize their policies.

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