By Patricia D. Fox
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Additional info for Being and Blackness in Latin America: Uprootedness and Improvisation
11 For example, in the monograph Blacks in Colonial Veracruz (1991), Patrick J. Carroll describes the racially determined distribution of space in urban areas, ripe for the transgression of established boundaries. “Naturally,” Spaniards occupied the nucleus: “Pardos, mulattoes, and mestizos ranked below Spaniards. This lower rank relegated them to residence on the fringes of the urban core. Hispanicized Indians represent a second subordinate group. They made their homes in the most distant urban barrios” (115).
After her liberation, she saw herself obliged to return to the haciendas, despite having no master, in order to survive. In Curiana, during harvest time, Felicia harvested coffee; in Cangonga she helped to gather reeds and tomatoes. She always turned up wherever the earth was being plowed, planted and toiled, she helped those that labored and she helped the women wash dishes and clothes. ] Thus for peoples of African descent, landless and adrift in a politically reconfigured world, this juridical “liberation” did little more than reenergize the dynamics of uprootedness.
On this subject, Peruvian José Carlos Mariátegui had strong opinions. On the one hand, the renowned writer asserted that Black contact with the Spanish colonizer negatively impacted the indigenous and worked “bastardearlo comunicándole su domesticidad zalalmera y su psicología esteriorizante y mórbida” [to bastardize (the aboriginal) by communicating (the Black slaves’) fawning domesticity and their barren and moribund psychology]. On the other hand, similar to the scenario offered by Argentine Rossi, Mariátegui soundly criticizes the continuing relationship between the former Black slave and the former (whiter) master: Para su antiguo amo blanco ha guardado, después de su manumisión, un sentimiento de liberto adicto.