By Panos Sophoulis
This cutting edge survey of Byzantium's kinfolk with pre-Christian Bulgaria within the overdue 8th and early 9th century bargains a completely new framework for figuring out the advancements that formed some of the most turbulent sessions within the background of the early Medieval Balkans. not like earlier reports, it integrates the surviving literary assets with the ever-growing archaeological checklist to build a accomplished narrative account of the Byzantine-Bulgar clash for political mastery within the area. furthermore, the research of the altering socio-political constructions of Bulgaria offers a foundation for realizing its transformation from a free tribal confederation right into a solid monarchy. whereas this is often basically a neighborhood learn, targeting the territories and peoples managed by means of the 2 competing powers, it's also of curiosity to scholars of the Frankish, Arab and steppe-nomad worlds, because the kinfolk among Byzantium and Bulgaria are positioned right into a wider foreign context.
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Additional info for Byzantium and Bulgaria, 775-831 (East Central and Eastern Europe in the Middle Ages, 450-1450)
However, it has been shown that the data in these notices does not conform to hagiographical standards. 93–97 and 248–249 (commentary); Grégoire 1936a, 425f; Hunger 1978, I, 333–334; Wortley 1980, 543–550. 81–85 and 253–254 (commentary). For the Bulgar conversion in 864, see Theoph. 10. 98 Stephenson 2006, 101–102. 99 Indeed, there is no evidence of violent persecutions in Bulgaria before 815, and even then the martyrs were not soldiers but, mainly, civilians captured in Thrace ca. 1 above. 100 The story of the survivors is contained in the notice for 26 July, the correct date of the battle; Synaxarion CP, 835–839, 846–848 (23 July).
86 Speck 1978, 819 n. 33; see also Kazhdan 1983, 13–28. 87 According to the Tactica of Leo VI (viii, 20), those accused of ethelokakesis received the death penalty; Zachopoulos 1993, 86. 88 For a different interpretation, see Turner 1990, 191. 28–32; Theoph. 16–21. 27; Theoph. 12. 2 23 The Chronicle of 811 and the Scriptor Incertus de Leone Armenio The so-called Chronicle of 811 and the Scriptor incertus de Leone Armenio represent two extremely important texts for the history of Byzantine-Bulgar relations in the early ninth century.
45 Kazhdan 1999 149, 219, with some examples. To avoid confusion, I will always refer to the author of the chronicle as Theophanes, even if the entry or notice in question actually reflects the voice of George. 46 An attempt to identify some of these sources is made by Speck 1978, 389–397; see also Ševčenko 1992a, 288; Lilie 1996, 315–408. , claims that the chronicle is based almost entirely on written sources. 47 George, who probably remained in office until 806, must have had easy access to official (mainly ecclesiastical) sources until that time.