By Klaus Armingeon, Giuliano Bonoli
This new examine assesses the welfare country to invite key questions and draw new conclusions approximately its position in glossy society. It indicates how the welfare states that we've got inherited from the early post-war years had one major target: to guard the source of revenue of the male breadwinner. at the present time, even though, giant social swap, particularly the shift from business to post-industrial societies and economies, have led to new calls for being wear welfare states. those calls for originate from occasions which are usual of the hot relatives and labour marketplace constructions that experience develop into common in western international locations because the Seventies and Nineteen Eighties, characterized through the transparent occurrence of provider employment and by way of the big access of girls within the labour marketplace. in contrast heritage, this ebook: * offers an exact and transparent definition of 'new social risks'. an idea being more and more utilized in welfare country literature. * specializes in the teams which are in most cases uncovered to new social hazards (women, the younger, the low-skilled) on the way to examine their political behaviour. * assesses policymaking methods which can bring about winning variation. It covers key parts similar to baby care, take care of aged humans, adapting pensions to odd occupation styles, lively labour marketplace regulations, and coverage making on the ecu point. This e-book can be of significant curiosity for all scholars and students of politics, sociology and the welfare nation specifically.
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Extra resources for The Politics of Post-Industrial Welfare States: Adapting post-war social policies to new social risks (Routledge Eui Studies in the Political Economy of Welfare)
The adaptation of pension systems to women’s career proﬁles, more often punctuated by interruptions and part-time employment than those of men, is instructive in this respect. Sweden and Germany both adopted major pension reforms in the 1990s. In both countries, cost containmentoriented reforms were going to penalise workers who had taken career breaks. Particularly affected were those women who had withdrawn from the labour market in order to care for their children. In order to make the reform more acceptable, one element of the reforms was the introduction of contribution credits for careers.
Two social traits associated with high exposure to NSR also happen to be powerful predictors of lower voting turnout across Western democracies. Age is a particularly strong predictor of political participation. Using survey data for 17 countries, Norris ﬁnds that age is by far the best predictor of voting turnout at the individual level. On average, turnout for the under-25s is just 55 per cent, whereas it reaches 88 per cent for late middle-aged voters (Norris 2002: ch. 5). After age (and together with income), education is the second-best predictor of voting turnout, though its impact varies across countries.
G. younger low-skilled women, could be expected to mobilise coherently, but then they would hardly be numerous enough to carry any signiﬁcant political weight. The empirical analysis of the policy preferences of NSR groups contained in this book conﬁrms this view of weak cohesion. Kitschelt and Rehm (Chapter 3) show that the socio-demographic features associated with high exposure to NSR – being a woman, being young and being low skilled – are associated with distinctive preferences in social policy.